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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">fmp</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Вестник Московского Университета. Серия XXV. Международные отношения и мировая политика</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Lomonosov World Politics Journal</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2076-7404</issn><publisher><publisher-name>Московский государственный университет имени М.В.Ломоносова</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">fmp-15</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>БЛИЖНИЙ ВОСТОК В НОВЫХ ИСТОРИЧЕСКИХ РЕАЛИЯХ</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>THE MIDDLE EAST IN THE NEW HISTORICAL REALITIES</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Пределы применимости «турецкой модели» в государствах Ближнего Востока после «Арабского пробуждения»: пример Египта</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Limits of the Turkish Model Applicability in the Middle East Countries after the Arab Awakening: The Case of Egypt</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Жигульская</surname><given-names>Д. В.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Zhigulskaya</surname><given-names>D. V.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Жигульская Дарья Владимировна — кандидат исторических наук, доцент кафедры стран Центральной Азии и Кавказа Института стран Азии и Африки МГУ имени М.В. Ломоносова, старший научный сотрудник отдела истории Востока Института востоковедения РАН</p><p>119991, Москва, Ленинские горы, 1107031, Москва, ул. Рождественка, 12 </p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Darya V. Zhigulskaya — PhD (History), Associate Professor at the Department of Central Asia and the Caucasus, Institute of Asian and African Studies, Lomonosov Moscow State University; Senior Research Fellow at the Department of Oriental History, Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences</p><p>1 Leninskie Gory, Moscow, 11999112 Rozhdestvenka Str, Moscow, 107031 </p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">dvzhigulskaya@gmail.com</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Федеральное государственное бюджетное образовательное учреждение высшего образования «Московский государственный университет имени М.В. Ломоносова»; Федеральное государственное бюджетное учреждение науки «Институт востоковедения Российской академии наук»</institution></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Lomonosov Moscow State University; Institute of Oriental Studies</institution></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2019</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>18</day><month>11</month><year>2020</year></pub-date><volume>11</volume><issue>2</issue><fpage>107</fpage><lpage>127</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Жигульская Д.В., 2020</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2020</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Жигульская Д.В.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Zhigulskaya D.V.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://fmp.elpub.ru/jour/article/view/15">https://fmp.elpub.ru/jour/article/view/15</self-uri><abstract><p>Болезненные трансформационные процессы, запущенные на Ближнем Востоке событиями «Арабского пробуждения», не только столкнули государства региона с новыми вызовами безопасности, но и открыли перед некоторыми из них новые возможности для реализации лидерских амбиций, укрепления своих стратегических позиций, в том числе с опорой на нетрадиционные методы и инструменты. В этом отношении отдельного рассмотрения заслуживают попытки Турции использовать интерес пришедших к власти на волне революционных выступлений правительств ряда стран к перениманию турецкого опыта в области государствостроительства. Воплощением этих попыток стала концепция «турецкой модели». Наибольшую активность в имплементации этой модели в начале 2010-х годов проявил Египет. В статье рассмотрены факторы, обусловившие повышенное внимание правительства М. Мурси к опыту Анкары, и причины, которые в конечном счете привели к провалу попыток использования «турецкой модели» в египетских реалиях и последующему резкому ухудшению двусторонних отношений. В первой части статьи выявлены ключевые характеристики «турецкой модели». В частности, автор отмечает, что базовую роль в ней играет нахождение оптимального баланса между религиозным и светским началом в общественной жизни. Во второй части рассмотрены попытки правительства М. Мурси имплементировать «турецкую модель» в Египте в первой половине 2010-х годов. Автор показывает, что основными причинами ее привлекательности для нового египетского руководства были экономические и политические успехи Турции в 1990–2000-е годы, выразившиеся в высоких темпах экономического роста и увеличения иностранных инвестиций, а также в успешном сочетании идей политического ислама с демократическими институтами западного образца. В то же время, как заключает автор, правительство М. Мурси не приняло достаточных мер, направленных на реформирование экономики, социальной и политической системы, что в совокупности с отсутствием единства во взглядах на «турецкую модель» внутри «Братьев-мусульман», ростом народного недовольства и негативным отношением к декларированному новому курсу египетского руководства со стороны ряда влиятельных региональных игроков привело к военному перевороту и сворачиванию всех попыток дальнейшей имплементации турецкого опыта. В третьей части кратко обрисованы последствия военного переворота 2013 г. для турецко-египетских отношений. Автор заключает, что обращение к египетскому кейсу позволяет рельефно обозначить пределы применимости «турецкой модели» в ближневосточных государствах в современных условиях, а также дополнительно подсветить существующие ограничители для реализации Турцией своих лидерских амбиций в регионе.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>Painful transformational processes taking place in the Middle East after the Arab Awakening pose not only new threats and challenges for regional actors, but also provide new opportunities for some of them to pursue their geopolitical ambitions and strengthen strategic positions, including through non-traditional methods and tools. In this regard, Turkey’s attempts to capitalize on the interest of some governments, which came to power on a wave of dissent, to learn from the Turkish experience in state building deserve independent consideration. These attempts were reflected in the concept of the so called Turkish model. In the early 2010s a particular interest in implementation of the Turkish model was shown by Egypt. The paper examines both the driving forces behind M. Mursi’s government special attention to Ankara’s example and the reasons that ultimately have led to the failure to operationalize the Turkish model in Egypt and the subsequent dramatic deterioration of bilateral relations. The first section of the paper identifies the key elements of the Turkish model. The author emphasizes that initially this model was aimed at identifying the optimal balance between religious and secular principles in public life. The second section explores M. Mursi’s government attempts to implement the Turkish model in Egypt in the first half of 2010s. The author shows that it was economic and political success of Turkey in the 1990s and 2000s including its rapid economic growth and the increase of foreign investments, as well as a successful inclusion of political Islam in the Western-style democratic institutions that primarily attracted the new Egyptian government. However, the author concludes that M. Mursi’s government failure to undertake profound economic, social and political reforms combined with a mixed attitude of the Muslim Brotherhood towards the Turkish model, growing popular discontent and a negative attitude of certain regional actors towards this proclaimed political course of the new Egyptian leaders have eventually led to the military coup and cessation of all attempts to learn from the Turkish experience. The third section outlines implications of the 2013 military coup in Egypt for the bilateral relations. The author concludes that the Egyptian case clearly demonstrates the limits of applicability of the Turkish model in the Middle East countries, as well as limitations of Turkey’s regional ambitions.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>Турецкая Республика</kwd><kwd>Арабская Республика Египет</kwd><kwd>«Арабское пробуждение»</kwd><kwd>«турецкая модель»</kwd><kwd>«Братья-мусульмане»</kwd><kwd>Партия справедливости и развития</kwd><kwd>политический ислам</kwd><kwd>секуляризм</kwd><kwd>Реджеп Тайип Эрдоган</kwd><kwd>Хосни Мубарак</kwd><kwd>Мухаммед Мурси</kwd><kwd>Абдель Фаттах ас-Сиси</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>the Republic of Turkey</kwd><kwd>the Arab Republic of Egypt</kwd><kwd>the Arab Awakening</kwd><kwd>Turkish model</kwd><kwd>the Muslim Brotherhood</kwd><kwd>the Justice and Development Party</kwd><kwd>political Islam</kwd><kwd>secularism</kwd><kwd>Recep Tayyip Erdogan</kwd><kwd>Hosni Mubarak</kwd><kwd>Mohammed Mursi</kwd><kwd>Abdel Fattah el-Sisi</kwd></kwd-group><funding-group><funding-statement xml:lang="ru">Исследование выполнено за счет гранта Российского научного фонда, проект № 17-18-01614 «Проблемы и перспективы международно-политической трансформации Ближнего Востока в условиях региональных и глобальных угроз».</funding-statement><funding-statement xml:lang="en">The research has been accomplished with a financial support from the Russian Science Foundation, project №17-18-01614.</funding-statement></funding-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Akkoyunlu K., Nicolaidis K., Öktem K. 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