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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">fmp</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Вестник Московского Университета. Серия XXV. Международные отношения и мировая политика</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Lomonosov World Politics Journal</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2076-7404</issn><publisher><publisher-name>Московский государственный университет имени М.В.Ломоносова</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-4-67-98</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">fmp-85</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ЭКОНОМИЧЕСКАЯ ДИПЛОМАТИЯ</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>ECONOMIC DIPLOMACY</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Трансатлантическое торговое и инвестиционное партнерство: конец проекта или передышка?</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Tr ansatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership: Consigned to Oblivion or Waiting for a Second Chance?</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Мамедова</surname><given-names>А. О.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Mamedova</surname><given-names>A. О.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Мамедова Анастасия Октаевна — кандидат исторических наук, преподаватель</p><p>119454, Москва, пр-т Вернадского, 76 </p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Anastasia O. Mamedova — PhD (History), Lecturer at the School of International Relations</p><p>76 Prospect Vernadskogo, Moscow, 119454 </p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">mamedova.a.o@my.mgimo.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Федеральное государственное автономное образовательное учреждение высшего образования «Московский государственный институт международных отношений (университет) Министерства иностранных дел Российской Федерации»</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Moscow State Institute of International Relations (University)</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2020</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>20</day><month>12</month><year>2020</year></pub-date><volume>12</volume><issue>4</issue><fpage>67</fpage><lpage>98</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Московский государственный университет имени М.В.Ломоносова, 2020</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2020</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Московский государственный университет имени М.В.Ломоносова</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Московский государственный университет имени М.В.Ломоносова</copyright-holder><license xlink:href="https://fmp.elpub.ru/jour/about/submissions#copyrightNotice" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>https://fmp.elpub.ru/jour/about/submissions#copyrightNotice</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://fmp.elpub.ru/jour/article/view/85">https://fmp.elpub.ru/jour/article/view/85</self-uri><abstract><p>Заключение соглашения о Трансатлантическом торговом и инвестиционном партнерстве (ТТИП) с участием США и Европейского союза могло стать одним из самых значительных событий прошедшего десятилетия не только по своим прямым торгово-экономическим последствиям, но и с точки зрения переформатирования всей системы глобального управления и стратегического баланса сил. Однако начавшиеся в 2013 г. переговоры так и не увенчались успехом и были фактически заморожены в 2017 г. Подобное развитие событий представляется тем более неожиданным, поскольку, хотя оценки влияния нового мегаблока на экономику США и ЕС разнились, большинство исследователей и политиков были настроены весьма оптимистично относительно перспектив этого соглашения, подчеркивая его геополитическое значение для коллективного Запада на фоне усиления Китая на международной арене. Неизбежно возникает вопрос, чем же можно объяснить заморозку ТТИП: связана ли она только лишь с приходом к власти в США администрации Д. Трампа, не скрывавшего негативного отношения к наследию своего предшественника на президентском посту, или она имела под собой более глубокие объективные основания? Для того чтобы попытаться ответить на этот вопрос, представляется целесообразным не только проанализировать противоречия, обозначившиеся между сторонами в ходе 15 раундов переговоров, но и присмотреться к динамике их торгово-экономических контактов на современном этапе. Одной из отличительных черт политики Д. Трампа является стремление продвигать американские национальные интересы за счет ослабления многостороннего подхода: в 2018 г. страны ЕС и ряд других государств стали мишенью американских пошлин на сталь и алюминий, введенных из соображений национальной безопасности. Эти односторонние меры послужили механизмом давления накануне начала переговоров. В июле 2018 г. было сделано совместное заявление лидеров США и ЕС о намерении сотрудничать в целях устранения тарифных и нетарифных барьеров и субсидий в производстве промышленных товаров за исключением автомобильной промышленности. В апреле 2019 г. Совет ЕС принял решение, санкционировавшее начало переговоров с США с целью заключить соглашение об устранении тарифов на промышленные товары. Тогда же было принято отдельное решение Совета ЕС начать переговоры с Вашингтоном о заключении соглашения об оценке соответствия. Тем не менее спустя год переговоры США–ЕС по устранению тарифов на промышленные товары так и не начались; прошло три раунда дискуссий по вопросам регулирования в формате Исполнительной рабочей группы. В этих условиях становится понятно, что в ближайшей перспективе соглашение масштаба ТТИП вряд ли может быть заключено. Главной причиной выступают не столько субъективные факторы в лице Д. Трампа, сколько объективное расхождение целей и интересов сторон на переговорах. Наиболее вероятным сценарием представляется продолжение диалога между США и ЕС по частным проблемам, например по вопросам регулирования.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) between the U.S. and the EU could have become a milestone of the 2010s transforming the current global governance system and the strategic balance of power as well as having a direct impact on the economy and trade. Nevertheless, the negotiations launched in 2013 reached a stalemate and were effectively frozen in January 2017. Although assessments of the new mega bloc’s impact on the U.S. and the EU economies diverged, such a development seems all the more unexpected given that most researchers and politicians advocating the initiative emphasized its geopolitical significance for the West in the face of China’s rise. A question inevitably arises: what can account for the freeze of negotiations? Was it the result of Donald Trump’s election, who was a vocal critic of his predecessor’s legacy during his election campaign? Or are there underlying objective reasons? In order to shed light on the issue it is necessary to analyse the differences that emerged during the fifteen rounds of negotiations as well as to examine the most recent developments in transatlantic trade and economic relations. Trump’s foreign policy sought to advance U.S. national interests in such a way that resulted in weakening multilateral elimination of tariff s for industrial goods and for an agreement on conformity assessment. However, negotiations of the former agreement did not start a year after the Joint Statement had been adopted; there were three meetings of the Executive Working Group focusing on regulatory issues. Apparently, an agreement similar to TTIP in scope is unlikely to be concluded in the near future. It also becomes evident that the parties’ divergent goals and interests at the negotiations rather than subjective factors, such as Donald Trump’s approach, are the main reason for that. Continuing dialogue between the U.S. and the EU on specific issues, e.g. regulation, seems a more viable scenario. Keywords: U.S., EU, trade negotiations, TTIP, transatlantic trade, globalisation, global governance, economic diplomacy, industrial goods, conformity assessment, regulation, tariff and non-tariff barriers.institutions: in 2018 the EU and a number of states became targets of U.S. aluminium and steel tariff s purportedly imposed to protect national security. These unilateral measures turned into leverage ahead of negotiations. In June 2018 the U.S. and the EU issued a Joint Statement: the parties agreed to ‘work together toward zero tariffs, zero non-tariff barriers, and zero subsidies on non-auto industrial goods.’ In April 2019 the Council of the European Union adopted two decisions authorising the opening of negotiations of an agreement with the United States of America on the elimination of tariff s for industrial goods and for an agreement on conformity assessment. However, negotiations of the former agreement did not start a year after the Joint Statement had been adopted; there were three meetings of the Executive Working Group focusing on regulatory issues. Apparently, an agreement similar to TTIP in scope is unlikely to be concluded in the near future. It also becomes evident that the parties’ divergent goals and interests at the negotiations rather than subjective factors, such as Donald Trump’s approach, are the main reason for that. Continuing dialogue between the U.S. and the EU on specific issues, e.g. regulation, seems a more viable scenario.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>США</kwd><kwd>ЕС</kwd><kwd>торговые переговоры</kwd><kwd>ТТИП</kwd><kwd>трансатлантическая торговля</kwd><kwd>глобализация</kwd><kwd>глобальное управление</kwd><kwd>экономическая дипломатия</kwd><kwd>промышленные товары</kwd><kwd>оценка соответствия</kwd><kwd>регулирование</kwd><kwd>тарифные и нетарифные барьеры</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>U.S.</kwd><kwd>EU</kwd><kwd>trade negotiations</kwd><kwd>TTIP</kwd><kwd>transatlantic trade</kwd><kwd>globalisation</kwd><kwd>global governance</kwd><kwd>economic diplomacy</kwd><kwd>industrial goods</kwd><kwd>conformity assessment</kwd><kwd>regulation</kwd><kwd>tariff and non-tariff barriers.</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Гребельский А.В. 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