Preview

Lomonosov World Politics Journal

Advanced search

Germany’s stance on the Nord Stream 2 project: Internal and external determinants

https://doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2022-14-2-76-108

Abstract

In recent years, Germany’s energy policy has been pursuing several long-term goals: not only to ensure energy security, but also to achieve energy transition and to become a major gas hub in the European Union. In that context, cooperation with Russia as a key exporter of natural gas to Germany was of particular importance. At the same time, relations between the two states showed contradictory dynamics. This became especially evident during the political struggle over the project of the new Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline. The author traces the evolution of the arguments of the key participants in the discussions sparked by the project in Germany before Russia began its special military operation in Ukraine and after it. The first section examines the positions of the main interest groups, leading political parties and regional authorities. The author shows that representatives from the business community and political forces related to them (SPD, CSU, part of the CDU and FDP) were generally inclined to support the project, albeit under certain conditions. The latter particularly included Russia’s guarantees for preserving gas transit through Ukraine. The human rights (legalist) group and eco-activists, affiliated with the Greens, partly the CDU and the FDP, took a much more critical stand regarding Nord Stream 2. Moreover, the federal government’s policy was greatly affected by a number of external factors. Germany made significant diplomatic efforts not only to coordinate its position with other EU countries, but also to overcome the resistance to the project from the United States and Ukraine. Nevertheless, the German government eventually managed through various compromises to advance the Nord Stream 2 project. The situation has changed dramatically after Russia’s recognition of the Donetsk People’s Republic and Luhansk People’s Republic. The German government halted the process of certification of Nord Stream 2. All major German political parties supported this decision.

About the Author

F. А. Basov
Primakov National Research Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Sciences (IMEMO RAS); Lomonosov Moscow State University
Russian Federation
Fedor A. Basov — PhD (Political Science), Senior Research Fellow; Senior Lecturer at the Chair of International Organizations and World Political Pro- cesses, School of World Politics

23, Profsoyuznaya Str., Moscow, Russia, 117997



References

1. Basov F.A. 2018. Antirossiiskie sanktsii kak test dlya obshchei vneshnei politiki Evrosoyuza [Anti-Russian sanctions as a test for the common foreign policy of the European Union]. World Economy and International Relations, vol. 65, no. 10, pp. 55–63. DOI: 10.20542/0131-2227-2018-62-10-55-63. (In Russ.)

2. Basov F.A. 2020. Vishegradskaya chetverka i razvitie evropeiskoi integratsii [Visegrad Four and development of European integration]. World Economy and International Relations, vol. 64, no. 12, pp. 68–76. DOI: 10.20542/0131-22272020-64-12-87-95. (In Russ.)

3. Basov F.A. 2019. Kontseptual’nyi vakuum: rossiiskoe napravlenie vneshnei politiki chetvertogo kabineta A. Merkel’ [Conceptual vacuum: Russian direction in the foreign policy of the A. Merkel`s fourth cabinet]. Analiz i prognoz. Zhurnal IMEMO RAN, no. 1, pp. 68–76. DOI: 10.20542/afij-2019-1-59-69. (In Russ.)

4. Basov F.A. 2021. Politika Germanii na rossiiskom napravlenii: perspektivy [Prospects of Germany’s policy towards Russia]. In: Vasil’ev V.I., Kokeev A.M. (eds.). Germaniya v evrointegratsionnykh i transatlanticheskikh protsessakh [Germany in European integration and Transatlantic processes]. Moscow, IMEMO RAN Publ., pp. 92–106. (In Russ.)

5. Belov V.B. 2022. Reaktsiya Germanii na spetsial’nuyu voennuyu operatsiyu RF na territorii Ukrainy [Germany’s reaction to the special military operation of the Russian Federation on the territory of Ukraine]. Analiticheskie zapiski Instituta Evropy RAN, no. 8. Available at: http://www.zapiski-ieran.ru/images/analitika/2022/an275.pdf (accessed: 05.04.2022). DOI: 10.15211/analytics1820225662. (In Russ.)

6. Belov V.B. (ed.). 2021. Germaniya 2020 [Germany 2020]. Moscow, Institut Evropy RAN Publ. DOI: 10.15211/report12021_379. (In Russ.)

7. Ivanova A.K. 2019. Evropeiskie i global’nye vyzovy dlya Germanii segodnya [European and global challenges for Germany today]. Nauchno-analiticheskii vestnik IE RAN, no. 6 (12), pp. 162–169. DOI: 10.15211/vestnikieran62019162168. (In Russ.)

8. Kotov A.V. 2022. Aktual’nye strategii vedushchikh nemetskikh kompanii na rossiiskom rynke posle nachala spetsoperatsii na Ukraine [Current strategies of leading German companies in the Russian market after the start of the special operation in Ukraine]. Analiticheskie zapiski Instituta Evropy RAN, no. 11 (278). Available at: http://www.zapiski-ieran.ru/images/analitika/2022/an278.pdf (accessed: 05.04.2022). DOI: 10.15211/analytics11120227781. (In Russ.)

9. Timoshenkova E.P. 2020. Partiino-politicheskaya sistema Germanii v period kantslerstva A. Merkel‘ (2005–2017 gg.) [The German party political system during Angela Merkel’s chancellorship (2005–2017)]. Moscow, Institut Evropy RAN. DOI: 10.15211/report22020_369. (In Russ.)

10. Yudina O.N. 2021. Formirovanie edinoi vneshnei energeticheskoi politiki ES: klyuchevye sobytiya i rezul’taty [Forming the European Union common external energy policy: Key elements and results]. World Economy and International Relations, vol. 65, no. 5, pp. 39–48. DOI: 10.20542/0131-2227-202165-5-39-48. (In Russ.)

11. Böttger K. 2016. Deutschland, die Östliche Partnerschaft und Russland. In: Böttger K., Jopp M. (eds.). Handbuch zur deutschen Europapolitik. BadenBaden, Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, pp. 406–419.

12. Fischer A., Küper M., Schaefer T. 2022. Gaslieferungen aus Russland können kurzfristig nicht kompensiert werden. Wirtschaftsdienst, vol. 102, pp. 259–261. DOI: 10.1007/s10273-022-3162-z.

13. Lang K.-O. 2008. Polen, Deutschland und die EU-Ostpolitik: Spannungsfelder und Kooperationspotentiale. In: Jäger T., Dylla D.W. (eds.). Deutschland und Polen. Wiesbaden, Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, pp. 123–136. DOI: 10.1007/978-3-531-90947-9_6.

14. Milaqi B. 2012. Der Einfluss von Gazprom auf die deutsche und europäische Energie. Hamburg, Diplomica Verlag GmbH.

15. Pflüger F. 2010. Eine neue Ära des Energieimperialismus. Internationale Politik, no. 3, pp. 76–83.

16. Rahr A. 2011. Der kalte Freund. München, Hanser Verlag.

17. Rubner I., Grofe T., Oetken M. 2017. ‘Power to Gas’ — ein Baustein zur schulpraktischen Umsetzung der Energiewende. Chemkon, vol. 24, iss. 1, pp. 7–12. DOI: 10.1002/ckon.201610281.

18. Schlögel K. 2008. Die Mitte liegt ostwärts: Europa im Übergang. München, Hanser.

19. Sziznin S.Z., Timokhov V.M. 2019. Economic and geopolitical aspects of the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline. Baltic Region, vol. 11, no. 3, pp. 25–42. DOI: 10.5922/2079-8555-2019-3-2.

20. Umbach F. 2011. Deutsche Außenpolitik und Energiesicherheit. In: Jäger T., Höse A., Oppermann K. Deutsche Außenpolitik. Wiesbaden, VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, pp. 370–393. DOI: 10.1007/978-3-531-93023-7_15.

21. Umbach F. 2006. Europas nächster Kalter Krieg. Internationale Politik, no. 2 (61), pp. 6–14.


Review

For citations:


Basov F.А. Germany’s stance on the Nord Stream 2 project: Internal and external determinants. Lomonosov World Politics Journal. 2022;14(2):76-108. (In Russ.) https://doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2022-14-2-76-108

Views: 337


ISSN 2076-7404 (Print)